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(This article was written after a visit to the Maldives in the early nineties)

The beauty and splendor of these islands have been written of during the past several centuries by well known travellers. Marco Polo described them as “Flowers of the Indies”, Ibin Batuta said these were ‘One of the Wonders of the World,” Fah Hsien, the Chinese, Papas of Alexandria, Scholastics of Thebes and H.C.P. Bell of the Ceylon Civil Services are other notables who have written about this archipelagic nation.

It was Ibn Batuta, the Moroccan traveller, who remained in the Maldives for only about 18 months and lost no time in marrying four noble women of the Court of Kadihah, daughter of Sultan Ahbendjaly whose husband was her Chief Vizar. Unfortunately for Batuta, who having won the confidence of some members of the Royal family and having been offered the post of Kazi, was compelled to flee the country (with or without his wives it is not known) in about 1345 due to the apparent jealousy of the Chief Vizar who was himself the second husband of the lady Sultan Kadihah.

H.C.P. Bell, the first Commissioner of Archaeology of the Government of Ceylon, in Sessional Papers of 1881 which were laid before the Legislative Council of Ceylon wrote that the “Early history of these islands is buried in obscurity — the natural result of their complete isolation and comparative insignificance. Indeed, except for scant glimpses afforded by the accounts of a few causal travellers, whom accident has taken them there from time to time, the world in the later half of the 19th century knows little or nothing of the whole or part of the history of the Maldives.

“The Maldivians themselves possess no known historical records of any antiquity and would seem to be utterly ignorant of their antecedents beyond such vague and unreliable shreds of information as may have been handed down by traditions.” That is quite a mouthful, but it was Bell’s usual style.

From the earliest of times, trading contacts with the Arabs, Persians, Malaysians, Indians, Indonesians, Sinhalese and with even some African countries have certainly left their influence on the people and culture of the Maldivians. Their language itself, known as Dhivehi is derived from Sanskrit, with both Arabic and Hindi influence which is unmistakable to linguists.

After the Malabar raiders were got rid of the Maldivians formed a closer association, with strengthened diplomatic representations with Ceylon, a relationship which has existed from as far back as 1645. Thereafter, in 1887 the Maldivians accepted British Suzerainty for the benefit of military protection from them and this arrangement ended in 1965. The British did not station their representative in the islands nor did they interfere in their administration.

It is to the credit of the Maldivians that such a small nation was able to remain independent for so long with several powerful nations around them. This is on account of their farsighted diplomacy and on account of the country not being rich in natural resources except fish, which in those times was not as valuable as it is now because it could not be preserved for transport over long distances.

The period of British Suzerainty covered the years of the Second World War and Gan and Cocoa islands were important British bases with large numbers of Ceylonese serving in them with distinction and a few who were said to have not been amenable to discipline. That however, is another story.

Archaeological findings bear ample evidence of the prevalence and practise of Buddhism in the country prior to 1153 AD. In that year, Shaikh Yusuf ud-din of Tabriz, a pious Saint introduced Islam to the country during the rule of King Komala who changed his name to Mohommed Ibin Abdulla and assumed the Islamic title of Sultan after his conversion to Islam.

Ibn Batuta wrote of this conversion to Islam giving credit to Abdul Barakath Yusuf but that version does not appear to be accepted. It could be that Yusuf accompanied the Saint and remained in the islands to spread the religion. What is important is, historically, socially culturally and since 1153 AD the Maldivians have been true followers of Islam and that there is no other religion practised in the republic.

“Islam is the strength and backbone of Maldivians society permeating as it does the entire educational system….” It is the State Religion but there is, a “delicate blend of tradition and modernity.” Women are not in purdah and have equal opportunities with men in regard to education and employment. Hence, their contribution to the economic and social development of their country is no less than that of the contribution made by their men. They are seen and heard and listened to all over the republic.”

As mentioned earlier the country gained independence in 1965. This was during the tenure of office of the President, Ibrahim Nasir who was the Prime Minister under the titular Sultan. It became a Republic in 1968 with an elected President and a national Assembly. The current President, His Excellency Maumoon Abdul Gayoom assumed office on November 11, 1978, having polled 92.9% of the votes at a referendum. He is a Master of Arts in Islamic Studies from Alazhar University and lectured in Islamic Law and Philosophy at Ahmadu Bello University in Nigeria.

In his own country he held several high positions in Government since 1971 and was his country’s permanent representative at the United Nations in 1976 and 1977. He is a true friend of Sri Lanka and once said “Sri Lanka and the Maldives have embraced warm friendly relations for centuries. Our countries bondage of friendship stretches beyond geographical proximity.” President Gayoom’s administration is committed to an open Government ensuring the observance of the principles of democracy.

The first written Constitution of the Maldives was proclaimed in 1982 but is is said that there is evidence of the system of Government and administration accepting traditional principles of democracy as time honoured customs. The present constitution is that of a sovereign and independent Republic with Islam as its State Religion and Dhivehi as the State Language. However, English is widely used in Government’s administration and in the private sector.

The Maldive islands are on the equator in the Indian Ocean consisting of 26 atoll formations, the word atoll being derived from the word `atholu’ in Dhevehi. These atolls are groups of islands of varying numbers in each, all making a total of 1,190 islands. Of these, only 199 are inhabited and 74 others are set apart exclusively as tourist resorts.

The republic is some 720 km. South West of Sri Lanka and cover a total area of about 90,000 Square km. measuring 820 km. from North to South and 120 km. East to West at the longest and broadest points. The islands which consist of only about 1% of the total area are formed from layers of coral and none are more than six feet above sea level at the highest point. Gan with several garment factories, the longest island was developed by the British when they closed their base in Ceylon in 1956 by mutual agreement with the government of Ceylon which came into power that year. The British left Gan 20 years later leaving a fully developed island with roads and infrastructure which the Maldivians took over and set up industries with foreign investors.

The soils of the islands are poor and are alkaline due to their derivation from coral rock. There are no rivers or springs and all crops are dependent on the rains from the South West Monsoon. Hence the only crops grown are on a ‘chena’ or shifting agriculture basis in some of the inhabited islands and consist of various kinds of millets, tubers such as manioc, chillies, onions, cabbage, beans, brinjals, various gourds etc. and fruits such as watermelon, banana, papaw, mango and lemon. Coconut is an important crop and is found on many of the islands including the resorts.

To the tourist fishing is an important sport as diving. Fishing trips both by day and night are organized for modest fees for a few hours by local motorized Dhonis or baththal the traditional boat, or for very high fees in modern yachts and speed boats with sophisticated gear. The sportsmen and women bring in skipjack, groupers, snappers and other reef fish. Big game fish outside the atoll enclosures consist of marlin, barracuda, yellow fin tuna etc.

There are no indigenous animals but the islands area haven for large numbers and species of seabirds.Conservation of its wealth in its waters is important to the Maldivians. ‘Hence the use of harpoons and catching dolphins, whales, whale shark etc. is strictly prohibited and observed.

The most spectacular floral and fauna are found from just below the surface of the sea to hundreds of feet below. Fish with all the colours of the rainbow in their thousands, corals, crustaceans, turtles etc. and numerous varieties of sea weed make a world of psychedelic colour which defy description. Fishing accounts for about 40% of those in gainful employment with a catch of some 99,000 metric tons in 1993. This was for home consumption, local sale and for export, canned or frozen.

The per capita consumption of fish in the Maldives is about the highest in the world and is about the only form of animal protein consumed by its people. Skipjack is the main catch and upto about 1972, it was the main export product, in the form of Maldive Fish after a process of boiling, salting, smoking and sun drying. The sole buyer of the product was Sri Lanka and on account of our foreign exchange problems and restrictions on imports of all but essentials the Maldivians were forced to find other markets for their foreign exchange earnings from fish. They were thus compelled to freeze or can their exportable fish.

The climate in the Maldives is humid and hot (average 86 degrees Fahrenheit) in spite of the influence of the cool sea breeze. The South West Monsoon from April to November brings about 84 inches of rain while the North – East Monsoon from December to March is a dry period in most years.With little or no resources for significant industrial or agricultural development and to support a growing population with its increasing needs from outside the country, the Maldivians turned to tourism for its foreign exchange earnings.

Hence, from an almost non-existent industry in 1972 with just a handful of tourists 1993 recorded 241,000 arrivals, in 1994 it rose to 279,600 and in 1995 to 300,000 arrivals. The main reasons for this rapid growth is of course on account of ‘the gem like islands depict the rare vision of a tropical paradise. Palm fringed islands with sparkling white beaches, turquoise lagoons, clear warm waters and coral reefs teeming with abundant varieties of marine flora and fauna.” Apart from these, there are no ogling oafs and gawking peddlers of bead chains, cheap clothing or even other wares as in some Sri Lankan sea side holiday resorts.

This makes the Maldives an ideal destination for the holiday maker in search only of, and with no interest other than in tranquillity and peace with sunshine and warm clear waters to laze in. Other reasons for this phenomenal growth is the opening of the Male International Airport in late 1981 to receive wide bodied jets from Colombo, Singapore and Trivandrum; a Cabinet Minister solely in charge of the subject and more than likely the comparatively slower growth of the industry in Sri Lanka since about 1978. About 85% of the visitors are from Western Europe with West Germany and Italy forming the majority and with smaller numbers from France, Sweden etc.

A typical visit to the Maldives is one in which the visitor arrives at Hulule Airport and goes through immigration with little bother except that the odd official may want to know, particularly from dark skinned people, whether they have a minimum of US$ 25 for each day of stay. The Customs check is quick if one does not carry alcohol or firearms both of which are strictly taboo. After awhile, the Tour Guide with whose Company one has booked escorts him to a Dhoni many of which are now powered by 15 or 20 HP Honda or Yamaha diesel engines.

The journey starts with leaping from one Dhoni to another (if his particular boat is some distance away) with plenty of willing hands to ensure that he does not end up squashed between two boats in the lapping waters below!

Ziaraarafushi in Kaafu Atoll the destination in this case is two and half hour journey with the first hour or so on the open top deck on foam rubber cushions admiring the beauty of the changing colours of the waters from clear light blue to shades of green and finally to deep blue as the depth of the water increases. Fish, corals and other islands and their beaches in the distance add to the beauty of the view. Retirement to the enclosed lower deck becomes necessary as the sea gets rough and waves hit the upper deck. It is hot and humid down there and exhaust fumes from the engine somehow find their way adding to the discomfort.

The Captain of the boat has three helpers who once the going is steady hasten to the lower deck and promptly fall fast asleep on the cushioned benches. Fishing is second nature to the Maldivians hence on these trips too they throw a few lines and haul a skipjack or two every now and then; a bonus payment or a bigger fish curry for dinner!

The Captain stands with his back to the starpole and guides the boat with his bare foot or even his shoulder blades without the aid of a compass, and in total dependence on his experienced eye, never flinching even when accepting one of the many lighted cigarettes his assistants, when they are awake, pass on to him throughout the journey.

Ziaraarafushi is one of the 74 resort islands, leased to foreign developers and has some one hundred chalets. Visitors are met at the jetty by the staff with wheel barrows marked ‘Luggage’ in bold red letters. The complex consists of the single and double room chalets, large dining hall, a reception area with a shop displaying beach wear, toiletries, handicrafts made from bones of large fish, picture post cards etc.; the main indoor recreational area is a large hall with the bar at one end. Liquor is expensive, a can of beer is sold at US$ 3.5 to 4 with a peg of Sri Lankan Gin selling at about the same price. In these circumstances, the price of Scotch is prohibitive.

Floors of all common areas are sand covered with half walls all round. Roofs are covered with woven coconut palm fronds with wire mesh spread over as a protection against strong winds. The chalets have cement floors which are sometimes covered with linoleum and consist of a shower and toilet and sit-out. The furniture and linen are simple and adequate but the charges are about double or a little more for more comfortable accommodation and very much better food at Sri Lankan three or four star hotels in the coast.

The food is simple, consisting of baked or boiled fish with cabbage, beans, tomatoes and cucumber for both main meals and an egg with limited quantities toast for breakfast. The meals are bland and monotonous and the food served to the staff is more appetising to the Sri Lankan pallet as it consists of rice and hot fish curry with grated coconut. Talking about food, an European woman said “As long as I don’t have to cook and wash I don’t care as the sun, sea and sand are there for my annual holiday.” Perhaps she speaks for large numbers of the tourists who come to the Maldives. There are, however, some resorts which boast of several coffee shops and restaurants in each offering varied and excellent cuisine at relatively higher prices.

There are no Maldivians permanently resident on Ziaraarafushi just as in all the other resort islands as the Government wishes to preserve the culture of its people uninfluenced by foreign habits and customs. Likewise inhabited islands have no hotels and visits to them by tourists are allowed only with guides for a few hours in the day in what is described as ‘proper attire’. This is a most laudable practice.

The staff at all levels consist mostly of Sri Lankans, Indians and Pakistanis and they like the visitors are birds of passage leaving the unspoilt Maldivians to their traditions and religion uninterfered with.Those resorts in the islands, hotels and guest houses in Male, had a bed strength of just under 10,000 in 1993 with about 65% utilization bringing the Government about three fifths of its ‘visible export receipts.”

To service the tourists and the local population with their requirements of internal transport by sea, there were 1,434 mechanised Dhonis, a few luxury yachts and 313 trolling vessels in 1993. A mere 15 sailing Dhonis and 22 rowing boats were available mostly for pleasure rides.Male, the capital and Seat of Government and main commercial centre is entirely different from the resort islands “for, if the islands depend on Male for all their trading and administration, Male depends on the islands for its livelihood.” It is busy town with Government Offices, Schools, Shops of all grades and sizes, Hospitals and residences of all the important officials and the not so important with a population of around 60,000 out of a total of just over 238,000 in the Republic in 1993.

In that year, Male, Hulule and Gan had most of the 5,330 bicycles, 3,466 motor cycles and 454 cars, vans and trucks. The authorized vehicles, more often than not are driven on low gear most of the time due to the crowded and narrow roads.The President’s residence or Mulee Aage, the Grand Friday Mosque which can accommodate 5,000 worshipers at a time, National Museum in the Sultan Park, marine drive, docks and fish markets are important land marks in clean, tidy and bustling Male.

WHAT NEXT? HOW DO WE PROCEED TO REBUILD SRI LANKA

Ranil is flying showing his colours

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Newspapers, TV programmes and video presentations have been dealing with the terrible incident that occurred in the premises of the Presidential Secretariat and on the steps leading to it, at predawn on Friday 23 July. Cassandra feels compelled to present her opinion though it is one week from that day. Experts have dissected it and presented their opinions in the print and electronic media. Cass’ opinion admittedly is emotional and thus subjective, but she includes opinions expressed by many friends and acquaintances; a blue-collar worker or two who keep their ears to the ground. I present my views below, listed in two categories:

Cons – No, the armed forces (group) should not have been called out to attack

Ambassadors of foreign countries and regional and international organisation reps were unanimous in their condemnation of the attack, the most forceful being the US Ambassador. It was rumoured that she was reminded that the police who went after the civilians (aka Republican hooligans) who invaded the Capitol, used force on them: baton and gun butt charged, but ours was not as violent as that. As seen on TV, it was violent enough though no deaths were caused.

The timing was also not judicious, calculatedly wicked. Why slink in the very early hours which are the most soporific and even protesters are at their least guard. Also why so frighteningly armed with even long poles – this large, black clad, face covered contingent against a comparatively small number of protestors in the premises.

It was precipitous in that another warning and clear order to quit the premises should have been given and then later, if the persons persisted in occupying even the steps of the building, they would be evicted by force. The attacked protesters maintain they were to leave the premises that Friday evening, and worse, that it was not the police or armed forces that attacked them but thugs and goons. They exhibited no symbolic medals or decorations on their black kits which were not the uniforms of either the police or army. Why the completely masked faces?

Pros that President RW acted correctly within one day of his swearing-in

It was pronounced by those in power that the protesters had reneged constantly on their promise to quit and therefore the decision to use the police to evict them. In the first place they did wrong by invading the Secretariat and other state buildings, moving freely, some even living in them. Those are criminal acts that call for very heavy and expensive repairs and re-construction; while the country is cash strapped even in rupees. No account of pilfered or damaged treasures within the three vandalised buildings has been released.

Cassandra adds that she has maintained from the time the protesters invaded President’s House, referred to as the ‘presidential palace’ with its connotations in the foreign press, that vandalism and high handedness should never have occurred. And worse was to follow: they lived in the President’s House. All that time there was forbearance and infinite patience with them from the police and armed forces.

Protesters’ fundamental rights were impinged on, it was said. What right had they to invade these top government buildings and stay on? The business of the country had to continue after so much and so long a disruption, and hence the decision to use force to evict them.

They did not attack GotaGoGama, where members of the earlier very peaceful ‘Aragalaya’ were probably resting in preparation for the next day’s vigil.

It is invariably stated by those who condemn the attack that they were peaceful protesters. Yes, the real ‘Aragalaya’ protesters and those who lined streets and held candle and torch lit protests were most definitely peaceful. But Cass holds the view that when the IUSF and Kumar Gunaratnam’s men came in, peacefulness was compromised by force, violence in protesting like climbing barricades and of course invading state buildings. The protesters who were in and on the steps of the Secretariat were certainly not the original peaceful aragalaya protestors. As an elderly VIP said during the Face the Nation programme two Mondays ago, the aragalaya was turning into a ‘Viplavaya‘ due to violent tactics perpetrated by intruders of a revolutionary nature.

Thus, weighing the pros and cons, Cassandra concludes that the more aggressive protesters had to be stopped and government buildings cleared; but the method adopted and time of attacking them was very wrong. Also, who really were the attackers?

Generation gap evident in opinions

Comment here: while watching the TV programme I mentioned and conversing with people of different ages, Cass discerns a marked divergence in opinion and judgment. The young see no wrong in the new style of the ‘Aragalaya’, while the older person is apprehensive and recognises revolutionary tendencies insidiously creeping in, encouraged by leaders inclined to strong tactics.

Cass is 40-60 on Ranil as President, the 40 indicating approval. He will have to rise up to be a statesman. He certainly has personality, knowledge, intelligence, fluency in both our languages. He is recognised by the outside world. He is not aligned to China but maintains strong ties with India and Japan. Considered ‘clean’ notwithstanding the atrocious bond scam. But his likely living up to the new surname he has been christened with, sends shivers down Cass’ spine. Now with RW the exec Prez, intensely disliked members of a family may emerge from hiding through fear into public life and get away scot-free from much evil perpetrated. MR has been seen and spilled a faux pas after the voting for Prez. Gotabaya is said to be returning. Maybe he feels confident in the fact that RW is now the boss. Certainly no extra judicial harm should be done to him.But the law must proceed with no hindrance or influence used.

Cass is disappointed that the Cabinet is all SLPP. Did the Prez invite other political parties to join? And they refused? We see the same old faces, some disliked and distrusted severely. Ironic to see Tiran a Minister under the man who lost his presidential bid in 2005 due to the debarment of Tamils from voting by orders of Prabhakaran. Surprised to have Ranatunga, who is under a suspended sentence of seven years imprisonment for soliciting a bribe, a Cabinet Minister. This is disgraceful. The only welcome person is Ali Sabry to Cass’ way of judging. My title says the Cabinet inspires a huge yawn; rather is the reaction to its fear of further disaster and bungling bringing in no alleviation of the intense suffering of people. We have to have our basic amenities like uninterrupted supplies of fuel and electricity.

A Sri Lankan living in a European country voiced a good idea: the expats living around the world to fund an election, nay, two elections in Sri Lanka so the people – now wiser and having learnt their lessons – chosen representatives will govern the country. They could easily cough up the needed money and would be glad to contribute to a cause beneficial to the entire country.

Archive images courtesy of the J. R. Jayewardene Centre

The role of the journal in the Buddhist Revival in British Ceylon has never been seriously examined by scholars. Most historical accounts trace the origins of a Buddhist press to the late Dutch and early British periods. The growth of print capitalism held certain implications for the Buddhist backlash against Christian evangelism, as it did in other colonial societies. Yet the momentum of this backlash was never the same: it responded to changing economic and social conditions, and followed a logic and a pattern of its own.

The Buddhists who took over the task of disseminating propaganda against their ideological foes had to fall back on the same institutions that those foes had had recourse to. In 1855 the first Buddhist press was founded from an establishment which had, for three decades, belonged to the Church Missionaries in Kotte. We are told that a second press was set up in Galle a few years later, through the patronage of King Mongkut of Siam and an influential Kandyan chief. These developments spurred monks like Migetuwatte Gunananda Thera to play a leading role in the Christian-Buddhist debates of that period.

The Buddhist press, as it stood at this juncture, was not a little rudimentary. But compared to the meagre resources it had to put up with, it mobilised a rather impressive campaign against its opponents, ironically using the very weapons the latter were using against it. In 1862 Gunananda Thera took the initiative of establishing a Society for the Propagation of Buddhism. Kitsiri Malalgoda has observed that the organisation modelled itself along the lines of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Over the next few years it published a number of important tracts, many of them written by Gunananda Thera and Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thera, which would form the basis of the Buddhist Revival.

These tracts were published in response to an ever-swelling morass of anti-Buddhist publications, particularly those authored by preachers like Daniel Gogerly. Historians have focused on such publications and given them due emphasis. They have noted that they had a significant impact on the Buddhist Revival, bringing the confrontations between Buddhist monks and Protestant preachers to the notice of Western Theosophists like Colonel Olcott and Madame Blavatsky. What is often missing in these historical evaluations is the way the Buddhist press changed with the arrival of the Theosophists, indeed how both the form and content of these publications altered in light of two key developments: Western, specifically European, interest in Buddhism, and the rise of a Sinhala petty bourgeoisie.

In my view, the role of Western patronage during the Buddhist Revival depended on two factors: the prominent part played by the Theosophists and [paradoxically] their flickering fortunes in the face of an assertive, anti-Theosophist Revival, the latter spearheaded by firebrands like Anagarika Dharmapala; and the conversion to [Theravada] Buddhism of several middle-class Europeans in British Ceylon and Burma. These took Buddhism, as it stood in South and South-East Asia, beyond a Theosophist frame. They also emboldened a fiercely nationalist and anti-imperialist middle-class – or petty bourgeoisie – to take up the leadership of the movement, while partnering with Theosophists and Orientalists who had poured much energy and initiative into the Revival in its early years.

When describing the Sinhala petty bourgeoisie, formed of traders and professionals hemmed in by colonial structures, as anti-imperialist and nationalist, it must be noted that their vision of anti-imperialism and nationalism was necessarily limited, if not insular. Their formation was essentially linked to the spurt in economic activity which accompanied the Colebrooke-Cameron era. The emergence of a plantation bourgeoisie eventually led to the formation of certain ancillary sectors, particularly in the import of foreign merchandise. The Sinhala petty bourgeoisie filled this gap, to some extent. Yet in doing so, it had to pit itself against other ethnic [minority] groups, both local and foreign, which had the upper hand in these activities by virtue of their access to credit and banking facilities.

These were the twin imperatives which determined their ideology: their dependence on subsidiary sectors that in turn were linked to a thriving import sector, and their competition with other ethnic groups. Soon they took the lead in sponsoring, if not funding, a number of important initiatives linked to the Revival, such as the construction of a Pilgrims’ Rest House at Anuradhapura. Naturally enough, they made up the crust of the Sinhala intelligentsia. In combating the influence of other ethnic groups, they eventually fell back on the institutions that had enabled the Buddhist Revival to take off. It was at this juncture that Sinhala traders began lavishly pouring in funds to the publication of new journals, breathing new life to such initiatives in a bid to rechart the contours of the Revival.

As far as their attitude to colonialism was concerned, the Sinhalese traders were as Janus-faced as their ancestors. Despite certain limits and constraints, they had benefitted from the colonial economy. They had turned their attention to the religious dimension of colonial rule, basing their critique of imperialism on the monopoly over education, marriage, and other aspects of civilian life exerted by missionaries. The need to preserve Buddhism, and to restore it to some “antebellum” past, was hence articulated almost purely in cultural terms. This was to be expected: not even after the 1915 riots, a turning point in the Revival, did the most ardent nationalist imagine a Ceylon falling outside the orbit of British rule.

In contrast to their forebearers, whose programme for the revival of Buddhism was limited to the country, these new financiers and patrons imagined a Buddhist world beyond Ceylon. Accordingly, they sought to publish journals and magazines which bridged the gap between the home and the world, reinforcing linkages between Buddhist countries: the repositories of the faith in the Orient on the one hand, and the emerging networks of Buddhist temples and societies in the Occident on the other. They were helped in this by the wealth they had earned from their participation, as bystanders, in the plantation economy.

By its nature, print is both subversive and conservative. The Christian press had used it to advocate the continuation of the status quo; the Buddhist press had used it to advocate a transformation of that status quo. Yet through the press the revivalists sought not so much a radical change in society as a reversal to, and restoration of, an imagined pristine past. In this they were following a tradition begun by the first anti-British insurrectionists, who while opposing British rule clamoured for a restoration of the Kandyan kingdom.

The new patrons of the Buddhist press reinforced this message. If at all, their wealth made them less amenable to revolutionary and radical politics: all they wanted was to exhibit or showcase the “superiority” of their faith. For their part, authorities did not oppose these groups, except when they their activities clashed with the aims of the colonial government. Indeed, they went as far as to praise the Sinhala petty bourgeoisie: here, for instance, is the entry on a wealthy Sinhala trader in Twentieth Century Impressions of Ceylon:

“Mr. W. E. Bastian was born in Colombo in 1876, and, after receiving his education at the Ananda College, in his native city, joined a local mercantile firm of paper-merchants in the capacity of manager, which post he held for a number of years and relinquished only to set up in business on his own account. The rapid growth of the present business under his management, within the short period it has existed, is an indication of his capacity and integrity. Mr. Bastian is a Buddhist by religion, and enjoys an important standing in his community.” [Twentieth Century Impressions of Ceylon, page 482]

We have reason to believe that these biographical sketches were written by their very subjects. Nevertheless, that a major colonial work on the geography, economy, politics, and personalities of British Ceylon should feature a Sinhala trader so prominently, allowing him to wax eloquent on his own worth, tells us much about the authorities’ tolerance, indeed encouragement, of such individuals. My argument, basically, is that this is what helped the Sinhala petty bourgeoisie to carry on their campaign for “the preservation of the faith”, and what made them couch the latter objective in terms of cultural polemics, rather than a full-frontal political critique and condemnation of British colonialism per se.

We would do well to recognise the limits of the Sinhala petty bourgeoisie. Through journals like The Buddhist Annual of Ceylon – perhaps the most important such publication from the early 20th century – the revivalists sought nothing less, and nothing more, than a chance to prove the intrinsic worth of their faith. The failure of this revivalist tendency to transition to a full, total critique of colonialism must, in that respect, boil down to what Regi Siriwardena described as the weak and embryonic nature of the Sinhala middle-class: a quality which at once pushed them against other ethnic [foreign and minority] groups, while hindering them from organising a progressive anti-imperialist movement.

The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com

By By Eng. Parakrma Jayasinghe

The much-awaited outcome of the interim President is now over. Will this result in some measure of hope for the beleaguered public of reversing the downward slide of the economy and the resultant crisis on the very livelihood of most strata of the society? Some resolution of the energy crisis, particularly the fuel shortage remains the most critical issue.

Sri Lanka has got itself cornered without any immediate solutions in respect of the transport fuels, for which the country is 100% dependent on imported fossil fuels, and for which no short term or medium term solution cannot be expected. However, there was definitely a solution emerging on the one sector which is equally critical for the day to day life of a significant portion of the people. That is the shortage of LPG, even at the grossly escalated prices.

Although this problem which started some months back with exploding gas cylinders and appliances, resulted in long queues of housewives and children languishing for hours and days in gas queues with scant expectation of the arrival of the lorry load of gas cylinders. No doubt this was an intolerable situation, particularly for the low income families, living in high rise apartments in the urban areas.

I consider it a sign of the resilience of the Sri Lankan society, when a welcome change emerged in that while the empty cylinders remained in the queues, once more with the home grown methodologies for their safety and the priority order , hoping that someday the gas became available, people no longer stayed in the queues. The other imported alternative fuel kerosene also having disappeared from the market, with a different set of queues at the petrol stations and the local source of kerosene, the Sapugaskanda also being shut down, did this mean that they stopped cooking altogether? Not by any means.

Even though the change may not have been easy or comparable to the convenience offered by an LPG cooker, they would have reverted to the use of our own fuels, particularly fire wood. The large amount of fire wood bundles which appeared in the shops in the urban centres and even supermarkets , is clear evidence of this.

In our previous articles we explained that another set of Sri Lankan entrepreneurs had come to the rescue by designing and selling a number of well made and modern stoves, with out the disadvantage of the smoke and soot from the traditional use of firewood for cooking. It is clear that there was a great demand for these stoves too as the manufacturers had long waiting lists.

However there is a grave doubt if history is repeating itself and the government once more trying to reverse this positive trend?

It will be recalled that in year 2003, there was a similar escalation of price of LPG and the people were accepting a novel wood burning stove invented and promoted by the NERD Centre. The “Spectra” stove manufactured under license from NERD by a local entrepreneurs was finding a ready and expanding market. However, the then government instead of promoting this positive trend and supporting the development of a reliable supply chain for the processed fuel wood needed, promptly reduced the price of LPG. This was done not due to any drop in the world market price of LPG but on the lopsided notion of subsidising the cost to the fraction of population using LPG. As Sri Lanka did not have the current parallel crisis of shortage of foreign exchange, they may have scored some political millage even at the cost to the economy and destroying the even minute step in the direction of gaining energy security.

This well designed and efficient stove illustrated below is still being offered by some manufacturers with further improvements and is finding a market. (See figure 1)

There are a large number of other models designed to use charcoal as well as wood targeting different strata of households and other larger scale uses presently available in the market, which has alleviated the problems faced by the people as mentioned above. (See figure 2)

Now what does the government do under these circumstances?

Promises have been made by the then Acting President that arrangements have been made to import adequate LPG for the next four months. It is learnt that the shipment just arrived has been made possible by a loan from the world bank but would not be adequate even to serve half of the pent up demand in the Districts of Colombo, Gampaha and Kalutara. It is a moot point if the balance shipments promised by him would ever materialise. It is also known the payment due for the diesel and petrol shipments on order have not been made completely. One would expect that these shipments including the crude oil needed to restart the refinery should take much higher priority for the release of the scant foreign exchange that Sri Lanka can raise by scraping the bottom of the barrel, to revive the transport sector which has literally ground to a halt.

But the fact remains that such irresponsible statements may already have blunted the positive sentiments of the domestic consumers, who have made the wise decision to shun the non sustainable and expensive use of LPG in the future. The only reason for this shortsighted and nationally irresponsible action by the government could be political aimed at a last ditch effort at reviving their already lost public appeal, aiming at the fight for the forthcoming selection of a new President. The foreign exchange allocated for this move is what could have been used to pay for the much more important transport fuels, which would help the entire population and not the limited few who would continue to depend on LPG. Hardly the type of leadership to be expected from those on whom the people have depended on to serve them.

It is only hoped that the people would have better sense to see the reality and that the time has come not to believe in any promises made by the government. While those who are fortunate to get a cylinder of gas is well advised to use it sparingly to last many months while adopting the solution available now to cater for their main cooking requirements. Thus they can face the future with the confidence that they need not spend days in a gas queue, even though the next shipment fails to arrive as promised.

There is a most important aspect of the cost of the next cylinder of gas, which already went up by Rs 50.00 and the distinct possibility of further increases, if the world market trends and the price offered by the private sector supplier is any indication. Even at the present prices the comparison of cost of using LPG as compared to the other options is worthy of note as noted below.

This economic reality alone should be adequate for the households not to be duped by the empty promises made by the government and in the interest of long term energy security of the kitchen.

It is to be noted that the cost of coconut shell charcoal the current preferred fuel for the stoves in the market is rising due to it being in short supply and being already sought as the main raw material for the manufacture of activated carbon , a major source of most valuable foreign exchange at this time of need. Fortunately the alternative of wood charcoal is equally effective. The supply chain of wood charcoal is now developing offering one more lucrative means of regular income generation to those prepared to venture in to this business. The necessary instructions are available in our web site www.bioenergysrilanka.lk or by contacting us on email bioenergyasl@gmail.com

Let the kitchen be the forerunner in gaining our much needed independence for our energy supplies ridding Sri Lanka from the trap of over dependence on imported fossil fuels, which is ruining our economy and social life.

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